Canadian Transport Sourcebook

VIII

IN TOUCH WITH WILLIAM LYON MACKENZIE

THE ARTICLE, headed "The Curse of the Canada Company", which Van Egmond contributed to Mackenzie's paper, The Constitution, on October 4th, 1836, was at least an indirect avowal in public of sympathy with the editor. When the final crisis was approaching, and Ralph and Morrison impressed upon Mackenzie the necessity of having a capable leader of the forces he was assembling for an attack upon Toronto, Mackenzie, feeling confident of the identity of his aims with his own, replied that he could obtain the services of one of the most efficient and thoroughly trained officers in the country. This was Colonel Anthony Van Egmond; and it was arranged that Mackenzie should lose no time in communicating with him. Van Egmond accepted the offered command of the rebel forces in November, 1837.

At this point a note is in place regarding the man to whose vigilance was primarily due the preservation of the city from attack, and whose skill as a soldier finally smashed the rebellion. This is Colonel James FitzGibbon, renowned in Canadian history as a veteran of the war of 1812. Mrs. Jameson, who made his acquaintance in Toronto during her visit that ended shortly before the outbreak of the Mackenzie Rebellion of 1837, has, without mentioning him by name, given a pleasing sketch of FitzGibbon under the title 'A Soldier of Fortune' in her Winter Studies and Summer Rambles in Canada. Concluding her sketch, she says of him: "With so much overflowing benevolence and fearless energy of character, and all the eccentricity, and sensibility, and poetry, and headlong courage of his country, you cannot wonder that this brave and worthy man interests me; unluckily, I can see him seldom, his life being one of almost unremitting toil."

Born in Ireland in 1780 and starting early as a private in the army, he served against the French in Holland, was captured but soon released in an exchange of prisoners. In 1801, as a marine in Nelson's fleet, he was present at the Battle of the Baltic. In 1802 the regiment of Grenadiers in which FitzGibbon held the rank of sergeant-major, was sent out to Canada, and in the following year moved to York, the Ontario town with which he was to become so intimately connected. He was actively on service throughout the war of 1812-14, when Ontario was invaded by the Americans. In June, 1815, the Americans had crossed the Niagara River, captured Fort Henry and Queenston, and penetrated in force some 14 miles inland.

Caughnawaga Indians from Lower Canada under the command of Captain Ducharne, and Mohawk Indians of Upper Canada commanded by Captain Kerr, occupied the wooded country to the south of St. Catharine's. As the Americans approached by way of the village of St. David's, they came into contact with the Indians, who finally surrounded them and compelled the whole force of 25 officers and 519 non-commissioned officers and men to surrender. All the credit for this most striking victory in the Battle of Beaver Dam on June 24th, 1813, goes to the Indians. As FitzGibbon says, not a shot was fired on the British side by any but the Indians. It was only when the Americans were ready to surrender that Lieutenant FitzGibbon, who corn'manded a detachment of about 50 men of the 49th Regiment, came upon the scene and opened negotiations with the Americans to lay down their arms. The story of Laura Secord carrying a message some 20 miles from Queenston to FitzGibbon's headquarters has been romanti­cally expanded and distorted far beyond the facts; the battle of Beaver Dam was in no way affected by her heroic effort.

The intervening twenty-five years of FitzGibbon's career, from the Battle of Beaver Dam to the Mackenzie Rebellion of 1837, we need not follow in detail, In the course of time he had become Colonel in command of the 4th Regiment of York Militia, from which he was later transferred to the 1st Regiment of the city of Toronto. On Monday, December 4th, 1837, he was appointed Acting Adjutant-General of Militia.

Fortunate it was that a man of FitzGibbon's ability and alertness was in command when trouble began. To overcome the stupid obstinacy of the Lieutenant-Governor, Sir Francis Bond Head, FitzGibbon frequently went to the point of doing the necessary thing himself and telling the Governor about it afterwards.

There are a great many ifs in, what might have happened, but it is generally conceded that if Mackenzie and his associates had acted unitedly and quickly, with the aid of so many sympathizers inside, they had on more than one occasion a good chance of gaining possession of Toronto. But their plans always miscarried. They had decided that the grand descent upon the city was to be carried out after dark on Thursday, December 7th. On returning to his headquarters at Montgomery's Tavern on Yonge Street (about four miles north of the city) after a week's absence campaigning in the northern townships of York county, Mackenzie was horrified to find that, without his knowledge or consent, the date had been changed to Monday, the 4th. Very angry, he tried to make the best of it, urging an immediate attack on the city that (Monday) night. But Lount and others of his chief advisers would not agree to this. "Thus", says his son-in-law Charles Lindsey who has written the story of his life, "the golden opportunity was lost. Delay was defeat. At this time the number of men under Lount, reinforced as they would have been in the city, would have been quite sufficient to effect the intended revolution, since the government was literally asleep and had few true friends."

Mackenzie himself cannot be accused of lack of courage. Later on that Monday night, with four volunteer companions, he rode down toward the city on a rash reconnoitering expedition. Before they returned, an exchange of bullets had taken place. The political struggle was now open warfare from which there was no retreat.

On their way, Mackenzie and his companions met and arrested two men—Powell and Macdonald—who were taken in charge by Anderson and Shepard to be escorted back to Montgomery's. As they neared this point, Powell, who had said he had no arms, reined back his horse a little, drew a pistol and shot Anderson dead from behind. He then wheeled southward at full speed. As he passed Mackenzie, the latter fired but missed him. Powell then, riding close up to Mackenzie, pulled the trigger at point-blank range,—but the pistol misfired. The life of the leader of the Rebellion was not cut short in the gloom of that winter night on Yonge Street. Powell reached the city, to report at once to the Governor what was going on. His companion Macdonald was later captured by Mackenzie down near Bloor Street, and taken back to Montgomery's. When Mackenzie arrived there he found that another loyalist, Colonel Moodie, who had been taken prisoner, was not so fortunate as Powell. He had been shot while trying to escape,—the first blood shed in the Upper Canada Rebellion.

An ill-prepared attack was made on the city next night. But by this time FitzGibbon was well aware of the intention of the insurgents. A picket under Sheriff Jarvis that he had posted near College Street fired on the invaders; and though Jarvis and his men retreated at once, the attackers were halted and turned back, having accomplished nothing but further revealing their plan. Wednesday was quiet, and the insurgents did what little they could to ward off a counter-attack until Thursday evening, the original date, when hoped-for reinforcements should have arrived. Early in Thursday forenoon a detachment of some 60 men under Matthews was—apparently with no great enthusiasm on the part of those selected for this duty—sent to cause a diversion on the east side of the city by destroying the bridge over the Don. But, unfortunately for Mackenzie and his followers at Montgomery's Tavern, Colonel FitzGibbon did not wait until nightfall. Having now got together a well equipped and fairly organized force, including reinforcements that had already reached the city from outside, he assumed the offensive and about noon started to march upon Yonge Street. An hour later he had made contact with the insurgents. The final decision was now at hand.

When Colonel Van Egmond, true to his promise, arrived at Mackenzie's camp early that morning, he was greatly disappointed to find that the supporters assembled there were far from the four or five thousand that Mackenzie had given him to expect, and that plans were so confused.

At best, Mackenzie's success depended from the outset on getting into the city by night and linking up with his friends there; his force was never equipped for an engagement in open day. When, soon after midday, scouts reported the startling news that government troops were about to attack them, no effective opposition was possible. That portion of them who were armed—probably just over 200 in all—quickly took up a position affording some cover in a belt of woods west of Yonge Street about where Eglinton Avenue now runs, and a few of them—perhaps 60—in a field on the east side. The rest remained inactive at Montgomery's, or were already melting away to safety in flight northwards.

The government force under FitzGibbon numbered somewhat over 1000 men. The main column marched up Yonge Street, with smaller flanking parties some distance to the west and east. When the two guns near the head of the central column came within range over the brow of Gallows Hill (to the north of the present Mount Pleasant cemetery), they sent a few rounds into the wooded cover where most of the insurgents were stationed, not doing much damage but causing panic through the falling branches of trees. According to the best evidence, Mackenzie's men held their ground for about twenty minutes. FitzGibbon's troops were soon close upon them with musketry fire. Seeing the utter folly of further opposition, Van Egmond gave the order for a general sauve qui peut. That was the end of armed rebellion in Upper Canada, on December 7th, 1837.

Of the engagement Mackenzie wrote later: "Never did men fight more courageously. In the face of a heavy fire of grape and canister, with broadside following broadside of musketry in steady and rapid succession, they stood their ground firmly, and killed and wounded a large number of the enemy, but were at length compelled to retreat." This is silly bombast. It was not a bloody battle, but a sudden rout. Casualties were: one insurgent killed. Dent learned of eleven wounded, four of whom died later in hospital; and of five loyalists wounded. But there may have been a few others.

In the hour of victory the Sir Francis Bond Head who had had to be prodded into action by FitzGibbon became the swaggering hero who, in spite of FitzGibbon's protest, had Gibson's house burned down, the wife and children escaping to shelter with a neighbour,—a piece of unchivalrous ineptness rivalling that of Mackenzie two days before in setting fire with his own hands to the residence of Dr. Horne, on Yonge Street just above Bloor.

Mackenzie has told himself the story of his flight with the thrilling series of hairbreadth escapes until he at last got across the Niagara River to safety in the United States. Trial for treason brought two of his chief helpers, Lount and Matthews, to the gallows.

And let us not fail to remind ourselves here that the same William Lyon Mackenzie, after twelve years of exile, came back to Canada under the amnesty of 1849, and lived for another twelve years, during seven of which he was again a member of the provincial parliament.